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Woodrow Wilson Quotes
1856–1924 United States
Thomas Woodrow Wilson (28 December 1856 – 3 February 1924) was the 28th president of the United States of America (1913–1921) and the 45th governor of New Jersey (1911–1913). He was the second Democrat to serve two consecutive terms in the White House, after Andrew Jackson, and was the first President from the South to be elected since the American Civil War
United States Academics Lawyers Nobel laureates Politicians Also known as: Wilson, Woodrow, Woodrow wilson
Random Woodrow Wilson quote
151 quotes
What is at at stake now is the peace of the world. What we are striving for is a new international order based upon broad and universal principles of right and justice, — no mere peace of shreds and patches.
Address to Congress: Analyzing German and Austrian Peace Utterances (1918)
5. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims.
The Fourteen Points Speech (1918)
1. Open covenants of peace must be arrived at.
The Fourteen Points Speech (1918)
I have read it with the deepest appreciation of Mr. Herron's singular insight into all the elements of a complicated situation and into my own motives and purposes.
What is at stake now is the peace of the world. What we are striving for is a new international order based upon broad and universal principles of right and justice, — no mere peace of shreds and patches.
You are not here merely to prepare to make a living. You are here to enable the world to live more amply, with greater vision, and with a finer spirit of hope and achievement. You are here to enrich the world, and you impoverish yourself if you forget this errand.
[W]e are not bound to adhere to the doctrine held by the signers of the Declaration of Independence.
I would … rather lose in a cause that I know some day will triumph than triumph in a cause that I know some day will lose.
RADICAL—one who goes too far. CONSERVATIVE—one who does not go far enough. REACTIONARY—one who does not go at all.
Too much law was too much government; and too much government was too little individual privilege,—as too much individual privilege in its turn was selfish license.
The white men of the South were aroused by the mere instinct of self-preservation to rid themselves, by fair means or foul, of the intolerable burden of governments sustained by the votes of ignorant negroes.
A History of the American People (1902)
When I resist, therefore, when I as a Democrat resist the concentration of power, I am resisting the processes of death, because the concentration of power is what always precedes the destruction of human initiative, and, therefore of human energy.
In fundamental theory socialism and democracy are almost if not quite one and the same. They both rest at bottom upon the absolute right of the community to determine its own destiny and that of its members. Men as communities are supreme over men as individuals.
All that progressives ask or desire is permission — in an era when "development," "evolution," is the scientific word — to interpret the Constitution according to the Darwinian principle; all they ask is recognition of the fact that a nation is a living thing and not a machine.
The New Freedom (1913)
Right is more precious than peace.
It was plain to see that the trouble in the southern States arose out of the exclusion of the better whites from the electoral suffrage no less than from the admission of the most ignorant blacks.
A History of the American People, Vol. 9 (1902)
The object of education is not merely to draw out the powers of the individual mind: it is rather its right object to draw all minds to a proper adjustment to the physical and social world in which they are to have their life and their development: to enlighten, strengthen and make fit.
No doubt a lot of nonsense has been talked about the inalienable rights of the individual, and a great deal that was mere vague sentiment and pleasing speculation has been put forward as fundamental principle.
There is a very great thrill to be had from the memories of the American Revolution, but the American Revolution was a beginning, not a consummation, and the duty laid upon us by that beginning is the duty of bringing the things then begun to a noble triumph of completion.
Mr. House is my second personality. He is my independent self. His thoughts and mine are one. If I were in his place I would do just as he suggested.
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