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Joseph Massad Quotes
born 1963 Palestine
Joseph Andoni Massad (born 1963) is an American Associate Professor of Modern Arab Politics and Intellectual History at Columbia University, whose academic work has focused on Palestinian, Jordanian, and Israeli nationalism as well as representations of sexual desire in the Arab world.
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36 quotes
Just as Zionism appropriated the tragedy of the holocaust to justify its atrocities, Wiesel was to legitimize that link in much of his discourse about the colonial settlement.
Gamal 'Abd al-Nasir and later Yasir Arafat were subjected to similar slander because, like Husayni, they opposed Zionist colonialism.
Nowhere in his justification does [Etienne] Balibar note the fact that Israel is a racist Jewish State; his opposition is only to its occupation of the West Bank and Gaza.
The more recent practice of writing numbers on the arms of thousands of Palestinians who have been crammed in Israeli detention camps since February 2002 through the present further demonstrates the Nazi system as a model for the Israeli army.
As I have discussed Zionism's colonial pedigree elsewhere, in this article I will focus on this supremacist grid, an analysis of which, I believe, is a prerequisite of the victory of the Palestinian struggle.
The history of Arab Jews who were abducted into the Zionist project late in the game is in turn irrelevant to the curricula of Israeli schools, wherein only the history of white European Jews is taught as the relevant history of all Jews.
It is not the same-sex sexual practices that are being repressed by the Egyptian police but rather the sociopolitical identification of these practices with the Western identity of gayness and the publicness that these gay-identified men seek.
Israeli Jewish society in Israel as well as the Israeli Jewish leadership continue to uphold Jewish supremacy as sacrosanct and non-negotiable. This manifests in their continued commitment to the laws that safeguard Jewish supremacy in Israel.
The categories gay and lesbian are not universal at all and can only be universalized by the epistemic, ethical, and political violence unleashed on the rest of the world by the very international human rights advocates whose aim is to defend the very people their intervention is creating.
in his book Desiring Arabs (2008)
All solutions that ignore the maintenance of Jewish supremacy in Israel will fail. Unless the elimination of Jewish supremacy becomes the major goal of a real 'peace process', all other solutions will simply perpetuate the conflict.
However, the only way these arguments acquire any purchase is in the context of an international, read western, commitment to Jewish supremacy, wherein Jews are seen as white Europeans defending white European values and civilization against the primitive Arab hordes.
It is only by making the costs of Jewish supremacy too high that Israeli Jews will give it up. This can be done by the continuing resistance of Palestinians in Israel and the occupied territories to all the civil and military institutions that uphold Jewish supremacy.
[I]t is the publicness of socio-sexual identities rather than the sexual acts themselves that elicits repression
Mark Chmiel's Elie Wiesel and the Politics of Moral Leadership is a case study illustrating the politics of holocaust memory through examining the life of its prime architect, Elie Wiesel, who has made a successful and profitable personal career of the holocaust.
American Jews have overwhelmingly opted not to be 'redeemed' in Israel, making it up to Israeli Jews through the financial and political support that they give to the Jewish supremacist state while remaining in their American 'exile'.
Such commitment extends to the maintenance of the exclusive Jewish symbolism that Israel deploys, ranging from its Jewish flag and national anthem (which only speaks of Jews) to its ceremonial national days and the practices of institutionalized discrimination against its Arab non-Jewish citizens in every facet of life.